Vystoupení Š. Füleho na konferenci hnutí Evropské hodnoty "Západ v 21.století: Odsouzen k úpadku?", Praha 5.11. 2009

Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon,

• I am very pleased to be here today. 

• Almost exactly 20 years ago Europe and the United States celebrated the end of the Cold War as the ultimate triumph of liberal democracy.  Yet, almost ever since the unfolding new realities had continued to test the power of our values and the firmness of the transatlantic relationship.

• Although I am not one of those who buy into the arguments about the retreat of the “Western idea” under their weight, one has to admit that the course of global events, to use a little metaphor, “borrows more from Huntington than Fukuyama.”

• In short, Europe and the United States face no easy tasks. There are important challenges standing ahead of the Euro-Atlantic community. To say that both Europe and the United States can achieve much more when acting together is, thus, not a banal recognition, but rather an important lessons learnt….and not so long ago. I am convinced that in the years to come the transatlantic relationship will be almost as existential as during the Cold War era.

•  To illustrate my point I will stick to the area of security and defense.

Nuclear risks

• Consider for instance the increasing nuclear risks: Iran is on a brink of getting nuclear weapons and North Korea has already passed that threshold. Think of the danger of proliferation that could give these weapons to the hands of radical militias and terrorists who have been aiming at Western civilization from the caves of Afghanistan and pulling the strings behind the scenes of the Middle East peace process.

Asymmetrical threats

• Consider the nature of these asymmetrical threats endangering our liberal culture: Being mainly non-state actors, they lack a clearly defined territory. As we have already experienced several times in the recent past, they are highly unpredictable and thus very difficult to deter, which is something the West is yet to come to terms with.  

Shifting economic power

• Consider how globalization shifts economic power from the West to the East empowering China and India. Russia’s economic awakening revived its political aspirations and that too impacts on the traditional security patterns.

Climate change and energy security

• Furthermore, consider the security implications of climate change and energy security: The British Government has recently unveiled a striking study showing the widespread impact just a four degree rise in the global temperature would have on human well-being. It could cause considerable water-supply shortages as well as major lands losses in the coastal areas or widen gaps in food production. These could in turn trigger instability or stir tension even in the calmer regions of the world.

Need for strong transatlantic relationship

• These challenges clearly demonstrate why there is really no alternative to a well functioning transatlantic relationship. Both the EU and the US should, thus, continue building on the current momentum in mutual relations and keep on further strengthening the transatlantic bond.

• So where exactly should the Euro-Atlantic community direct its efforts? Five brief suggestions come to my mind. 

NATO and deterrence

• First of all, I will focus on NATO, the cornerstone of the transatlantic security and the guardian of our shared values. It is no secret that an urgent revision of the Alliance’s core tasks is required to bring them up to date with the rapidly changing geopolitical landscape. A few months back a process that should bring into light the Alliance’s New Strategic Concept was launched. In order to deliver, the New Strategic Concept must, in my view, re-invent some of the Alliance’s core business. 

• The concept of NATO’s deterrence is part of this picture. Coming back to what I have outlined at the beginning. We are confronted with a multiplicity of largely asymmetrical threats and escalating nuclear danger, against which the Cold War concept of deterrence we still have in place is dangerously redundant. So before the Alliance’s New Strategic Concept comes to light, we NATO members, must come together and A: re-fresh our common depiction of the adversaries we face and B: come up with appropriate means to deter them.  This will not be easy. It will require addressing uncomfortable issues involving nuclear weapons, pre-emptive measures or missile defense.

Enlargement

• Secondly, the values upon which we built the transatlantic community must keep on spreading further. Thus, both NATO and the EU must keep their door open to further enlargement.  It is in my view the single most efficient way to promote our liberal culture. Think of the Balkan countries, Turkey, Ukraine or Georgia, they want to share it with us. Given the changing geopolitical patterns, I believe it is in our best interest to let them join in.

EU – NATO relations

• Another area where an intensified cooperation would significantly benefit the transatlantic link is the EU – NATO relations. This leads to my third point. Although a lot has changed over past few years, their mutual cooperation still faces considerable difficulties. This is felt especially within same area of responsibility, where an inter-institutional blockage between the EU and NATO prevents the coordination of parallel missions. It is difficult to speak of the strengthening of transatlantic relationship when its two key institutions struggle to find a common language at times.

EU – Speaking with one voice

• Part of the reason, honestly speaking, is the fact that the European Union could be more of a help to the United States when it comes to global responsibilities. So my fourth suggestion relates to the European Union’ global role.

• It has been repeated already many times, but I feel the need to refer to it again. The EU Member States have to learn to speak with one voice when it comes to the Union’s external actions if it wants to become a more heavy-weight player. Take the EU stance toward Iran, we proved that we can do it, but we need to go further in our efforts and strive for a more integrated approach vis-?-vis the US also in other areas. The Lisbon Treaty that, I am convinced, will soon enter into force, should provide good grounds for it.

Climate change

• Last not least, with the Copenhagen Summit approaching, I want to make a few remarks on the issue of climate change. I am deeply convinced that addressing the global warming effectively is as much a matter of enhancing global environmental protection as it is about ensuring of global stability and security. 

• Last week the European Union drew a more concrete outline of its positions on funds to assist developing countries to get them on board the international climate change efforts.  It is now essential that the US follows suit to encourage other major players like China, India, Russia or Brazil to also join in. It is essential that a balanced and inclusive global deal on reduction of green house gases that would not jeopardize economic competitiveness on neither side of the Atlantic is reached in Copenhagen.

Conclusion

• In conclusion, I want to emphasize that the transatlantic bond has never been a mere functional relationship or a tool of the Cold War confrontation. Rather, it has been an enduring alliance bound by shared values and common culture, which makes it both unique as well as irreplaceable. I am thus convinced that in spite of the shifting patterns of global power, the Euro-Atlantic tie will remain key determinant of stability and security throughout the world, and thus continue to be indispensable.